{"id":102,"date":"2024-12-14T20:29:20","date_gmt":"2024-12-14T20:29:20","guid":{"rendered":"https:\/\/thcparis.com\/?p=102"},"modified":"2024-12-14T20:29:20","modified_gmt":"2024-12-14T20:29:20","slug":"can-cannabis-be-legalized-in-france-without-inflaming-the-banlieues","status":"publish","type":"post","link":"https:\/\/thcparis.com\/index.php\/2024\/12\/14\/can-cannabis-be-legalized-in-france-without-inflaming-the-banlieues\/","title":{"rendered":"Can Cannabis Be Legalized in France Without Inflaming the Banlieues ?"},"content":{"rendered":"<section id=\"article_header\">\n<div class=\"container clearfix\">\n<div class=\"article_une_header\">\n<div class=\"container clearfix\">\n<div class=\"heading-block nobottomborder center\">\n<div class=\"chapeau\">\n<div align=\"justify\">France is a place of paradoxes\u00a0: cannabis is widely consumed, and yet legalization does not seem to be on the cards, despite successful measures implemented elsewhere. This\u00a0<a class=\"spip_in\" href=\"https:\/\/metropolitics.org\/https:\/\/metropolitics.org\/Drug-consumption-rooms-in-the-city.html\" rel=\"external\" hreflang=\"en\">reluctance<\/a>\u00a0is linked in particular to a fear of destabilizing local economies in working-class neighborhoods. Aymeric Reyre and Christian Ben\u00a0Lakhdar highlight the unfounded nature of this argument, and use evidence from other countries to underline the potential benefits of such reforms.<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/section>\n<section id=\"article_content\">\n<div class=\"maginbottom4\">\n<div class=\"container clearfix\">\n<div class=\"article-metatags longread_margin\"><i class=\"icon-tags\"><\/i>\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/metropolitiques.eu\/+-drugs-+.html\">drugs<\/a>\u00a0\/\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/metropolitiques.eu\/+-drug-dealing-+.html\">drug dealing<\/a>\u00a0\/\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/metropolitiques.eu\/+-legalization-of-cannabis-+.html\">legalization of cannabis<\/a>\u00a0\/\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/metropolitiques.eu\/+-urban-economy-+.html\">urban economy<\/a>\u00a0\/\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/metropolitiques.eu\/+-banlieue-+.html\">banlieue<\/a>\u00a0\/\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/metropolitiques.eu\/+-estates-+.html\">housing estates<\/a>\u00a0\/\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/metropolitiques.eu\/+-housing-projects-+.html\">housing projects<\/a>\u00a0\/\u00a0<a href=\"https:\/\/metropolitiques.eu\/+-social-housing-+.html\">social housing<\/a><\/div>\n<div class=\"entry-content texte_wrapper clearfix\">\n<div class=\"texte surlignable clearfix\">\n<p>While the wind of legalization has been blowing over the cannabis market in the United States, Uruguay and Canada, the (low-key) debate on the issue in France remains dominated by a prohibitionist and punitive approach. In particular, French law no.\u00a070\u20111320 of December\u00a031,\u00a01970, relating to health measures to combat drug addiction and the suppression of the trade and illicit use of poisonous substances, is part of a large number of predominantly punitive national laws whose problematic effects on social development, public and individual health, human rights, the economy, and the environment are well documented (Csete\u00a0<i>et\u00a0al.<\/i>\u00a02016\u00a0; Reyre\u00a0<i>et\u00a0al.<\/i>\u00a02018). In addition to the negative consequences of this approach in terms of the expansion of the illicit market in drug-dealing locations\u2014mainly areas on the outskirts of cities composed of large social-housing projects,<button id=\"lf-nh1\" class=\"littlefoot-footnote__button littlefoot-footnote__button__number\" title=\"Voir la note 1\" aria-controls=\"fncontent:1\" aria-expanded=\"false\" aria-label=\"Footnote 1\" data-footnote-button-id=\"1\" data-footnote-number=\"1\"><\/button>\u00a0often referred to collectively as \u201c<i>les quartiers<\/i>\u201d (literally \u201cthe neighborhoods,\u201d but implicitly \u201cworking-class neighborhoods\u201d)\u2014its primary objective of reducing the use of prohibited substances has singularly failed. France has been one of the leading cannabis-consuming countries in Europe for many years, both among 18- to 75-year-olds and among young people under\u00a018 (Beck\u00a0<i>et\u00a0al.<\/i>\u00a02017\u00a0; Spilka\u00a0<i>et\u00a0al.<\/i>\u00a02018).<\/p>\n<p>Given this state of affairs, one might imagine that the French authorities would be amenable to implementing measures to ensure the legal regulation of the cannabis market, but there are numerous sources of opposition to this line of thinking. The moral and ideological arguments against legal changes to the trade and use of cannabis are well known\u00a0: it sends the \u201cwrong signal\u201d to young people, it smacks of permissiveness, it could lead to the use of other, harder drugs, it could lead to an increase in criminal behavior, and so forth. There are also other\u2014more pragmatic\u2014arguments that have been relatively low-key in the national debate but hold considerable sway among decision-makers. Prime among these are fears concerning the impact of legalization on neighborhoods where drug dealing represents a significant part of the local economy. This would impoverish the fraction of the local population that lives off this illicit market, with potential consequences in terms of social cohesion and political stability. In addition, the populations concerned could potentially turn to other criminal trafficking activities, posing more serious threats to public order. Leaving aside the cynicism of delegating social regulation to a criminal economy, this argument must be discussed in light of our current knowledge of the cannabis market in French \u201c<i>quartiers<\/i>\u201d and the experiences of other countries that have relaxed their legislation.<\/p>\n<h3 class=\"spip\">A destabilization of the local economy in\u00a0<i>les\u00a0quartiers<\/i>\u00a0?<\/h3>\n<p>From the early 1990s onwards, general-population health surveys began to produce robust data on the number of drug users in France. They revealed that a significant proportion of the population were cannabis users\u2014a proportion that has increased steadily ever since. Little was known about the realities of cannabis supply and distribution, however. Following some pioneering research on the subject (Fatela 1992), an organization called the CNV (Conseil National des Villes \u2013 French National Council of Cities), which was concerned by the rise of the cannabis economy in working-class neighborhoods, funded a sociological study in a number of areas of major French cities\u00a0: in Hem, a suburb of Lille, in northern France\u00a0; in Argenteuil, Aulnay-sous-Bois, Aubervilliers, and Bagneux in the Paris suburbs\u00a0; and in Marseille in southern France (CNV 1994\u00a0; Aquatias 2001). Far from confirming the notion that the cannabis trade contributes to the development of local economies, the results of the study showed that it represents only a marginal proportion of residents\u2019 income and that it actually contributes to the impoverishment of these social-housing neighborhoods\u00a0: first, through the deterioration of the local environment (vandalism, theft, appropriation of space by criminal organizations, etc.)\u00a0; and second, as a result of residents being trapped in illegal employment for meager incomes at the bottom of distribution chains.<\/p>\n<p>This type of conclusion is also found in more recent studies, which make use of other methodological mechanisms that emphasize the increased professionalization of cannabis resale organizations (Ben\u00a0Lakhdar 2007\u00a0; Ben\u00a0Lakhdar and Weinberger 2011, 2016). According to these studies, some 200,000\u00a0people work occasionally or full-time in the cannabis market, which has an estimated annual turnover of around \u20ac1\u00a0billion for mainland France and Corsica alone<button id=\"lf-nh2\" class=\"littlefoot-footnote__button littlefoot-footnote__button__number\" title=\"Voir la note 2\" aria-controls=\"fncontent:2\" aria-expanded=\"false\" aria-label=\"Footnote 2\" data-footnote-button-id=\"2\" data-footnote-number=\"2\"><\/button>. However, a new feature is that the cannabis market is structured around organized networks that are based geographically in periurban areas, and in some cases also include the cultivation of cannabis crops. In addition, the internet represents a new distribution channel that is beginning to be used on a massive scale, whether on the dark web or via conventional commercial websites. This competitive strengthening of the market, combined with the ineffectiveness of police enforcement and the economic slump resulting from the subprime crisis, appears to have further widened the gap between the legal economy and a section of local populations in drug-dealing areas.<\/p>\n<p>As the inhabitants of La\u00a0Castellane, a housing project in Marseille (Duport 2016), point out, a vast majority of these populations have no desire to have anything to do with drug money, and derive their income from legal sources. Those who do come into contact with the illegal cannabis market derive very little economic benefit from it\u00a0: network leaders, big importers and money-launderers become a great deal richer at the expense of the \u201cfootsoldiers\u201d (<i>coupeurs<\/i>\u00a0or \u201ccutters,\u201d who prepare the merchandise\u00a0;\u00a0<i>revendeurs<\/i>\u00a0or sellers\u00a0;\u00a0<i>surveillants<\/i>\u00a0or supervisors\u00a0;\u00a0<i>charbonneurs<\/i>\u00a0or stockkeepers, who are responsible for handing over merchandise\u00a0;\u00a0<i>chouffeurs<\/i>\u00a0or lookouts\u00a0;\u00a0<i>nourrices<\/i>\u00a0or \u201cfeeders,\u201d who have clean criminal records and store merchandise in their homes, etc.). Moreover, these \u201cemployees\u201d of the cannabis trade are exposed to increasing violence caused by a deregulated competitive climate (Gandhilon 2016) and maintained by France\u2019s prohibitionist legislation.<\/p>\n<p>If the cannabis economy were to be legalized, it is certain that the \u201cbig shots\u201d would seek to minimize the financial losses that would result by developing other criminal markets. However, it is unlikely that these new markets would have the capacity to absorb the large workforce currently devoted to the cannabis trade\u2014especially as the police, freed of the burden of cannabis-related offenses, would be able to redirect their efforts to combat other (more limited) criminal markets, and thus prevent their development, or even their emergence. Furthermore, it is not at all clear that the \u201cfootsoldiers\u201d would have the necessary skills or indeed the desire to become involved in illicit trafficking that is riskier in terms of criminal liability and potential violence, such as dealing in heroin or weapons.<\/p>\n<p>The argument that legalization would destabilize the economy of \u201c<i>les\u00a0quartiers<\/i>\u201d therefore appears to be backed up by very little hard evidence when we rationally examine the observations available to us. But this argument can also be discussed in light of the experiences of countries that have chosen to go down the path of legally regulating the trade and use of cannabis.<\/p>\n<h3 class=\"spip\">What can we learn from other countries\u2019 experiences\u00a0?<\/h3>\n<p>The effects of cannabis legalization are multidimensional, difficult to predict and measure, and highly dependent on the regulatory framework implemented. However, early assessments tend to show, among other things, a decrease in criminal activity, both locally (Kleiman 2016) and internationally (Gavrilova, Kamada and Zoutman 2017). To our knowledge, there has not yet been any evaluation of outcomes for former actors in the illegal market, but a number of experimental measures have sought to influence these outcomes.<\/p>\n<p>In California, the Control, Regulate and Tax Adult Use of Marijuana Act, also known as Proposition\u00a064, was passed in November\u00a02016 and legalized a recreational cannabis market with effect from January\u00a01,\u00a02018. In addition to providing a legal structure for this market by underscoring obligations and constraints in terms of supply and demand, two points of this reform\u2014one direct, the other indirect\u2014enable the involvement and inclusion of populations who formerly played roles in the illegal market.<\/p>\n<p>The first point concerns the re\u2011evaluation of prison sentences and fines for those currently and previously incarcerated for acts covered by the reform. For example, Proposition\u00a064 allows for the release from prison of individuals involved in the cannabis trade, under certain conditions, as well as the wiping of criminal records for these individuals and others who have already served their sentences. In this way, populations (mainly African-American, see Alexander 2010) that had been excluded from society because of deeds that have since become legal are being reintegrated into society. As a result of revisions to their criminal records, access to certain professions is once again possible, including jobs in the cannabis industry.<\/p>\n<p>The second point stipulates that the legalization of the cannabis market is a local issue, and that it is therefore up to counties or municipalities to decide whether to open up the market\u2014and under what conditions, particularly in terms of who is and who is not permitted to play a role in this new industry. In this respect, initiatives in Oakland and San\u00a0Francisco deserve particular attention\u00a0: these cities have set up \u201ccannabis equity programs\u201d to help women and ethnic minorities invest in the legal cannabis market.<\/p>\n<p>As a result, among other things, people formerly involved in the illicit cannabis trade are now in a position to derive a legal\u2014and often higher\u2014income from the sale of the same substance. In the French context, however, identifying individuals who might be eligible for such programs would require a certain legal inventiveness (the conditions for wiping criminal records, for example, depend on the sentences imposed and whether not the individual reoffends\u00a0; as it stands, any request to the public prosecutor for records to be wiped may only be made within five years of completion of the sentence imposed), but the economic situation of drug-dealing areas could end up being improved, with little transfer toward other criminal trafficking.<\/p>\n<h3 class=\"spip\">New opportunities for political action<\/h3>\n<p>The arguments in favor of legalizing cannabis mainly concern public health and safety. First, a legal market would allow for better product quality control and enable consumption to be regulated in order to reduce health risks. Second, it would relieve law-enforcement bodies of an exhausting and sterile task, and allow them to focus on combating other criminal markets, thereby helping to restore the credibility and effectiveness of their action in \u201c<i>les\u00a0quartiers<\/i>\u201d and improve links with the population (on this last point, see Mouhanna 2011).<\/p>\n<p>A third category of argument consists in highlighting the potential of a legalized cannabis market by providing economic opportunities to populations previously involved illegally in the cannabis trade, as well as to others who wish to become involved. By drawing on experiences elsewhere and carefully supervising the legalization process, public action can effectively prevent the largely overestimated risk of destabilizing the economy of drug-dealing areas, in particular by creating legal jobs linked to the new cannabis market. In particular, those people brought back into a context of legality would be farther removed from criminal networks and influences (such as those present in prison or the risk of being recruited for other illegal activities). In addition, this public action could be backed up by new resources resulting from a legal cannabis market\u00a0: in all American states that have chosen legal regulation, significant tax revenues have been generated and dedicated, on the one hand, to preventing and managing problematic cannabis use and, on the other, to helping populations that previously derived some sort of revenue from the illegal trade.<\/p>\n<p>In France, in the event of legalization, it is estimated that tax revenues would be in the region of \u20ac1\u20132\u00a0billion, depending on the sale price and the taxes levied on the market (Ben\u00a0Lakhdar and Kopp 2018), and it has been proposed that a portion of this revenue should be ringfenced for city policy and for education in sensitive urban areas, with the aim of reintegrating those populations living off the subsistence economy currently offered by cannabis into the legal economy (Kokoreff and Lapeyronnie 2013\u00a0; Ben\u00a0Lakhdar and Costes 2016). In this way, the local economies of French social-housing areas would certainly benefit more from the legalization of cannabis than from maintaining its current status and perpetuating the policy that governs it.<\/p>\n<p><strong>Bibliography<\/strong><\/p>\n<ul class=\"spip\">\n<li>Alexander, M.\u00a02010.\u00a0<i>The New Jim Crow\u00a0: Mass Incarceration in the Age of Colorblindness<\/i>, New\u00a0York\u00a0: The New Press.<\/li>\n<li>Aquatias, S. 2001. \u201cAchat et vente de cannabis au niveau local\u201d, in INSERM,\u00a0<i>Cannabis, quels effets sur le comportement et la sant\u00e9\u00a0?<\/i>, Paris\u00a0: Institut National de la Sant\u00e9 et de la Recherche M\u00e9dicale (INSERM), pp.\u00a0403\u2013415.<\/li>\n<li>Beck, F., Spilka, S., Nguyen-Thanh, V., Gautier, A., Le\u00a0N\u00e9zet, O., Richard, J.\u2011B. and the Barom\u00e8tre Sant\u00e9 2016 group. 2017. \u201c<a class=\"spip_out\" href=\"http:\/\/www.ofdt.fr\/BDD\/publications\/docs\/eftxfbx6.pdf\" rel=\"external\">Cannabis\u00a0: usages actuels en population adulte<\/a>\u201d,\u00a0<i>Tendances<\/i>, no.\u00a0119, Paris\u00a0: Observatoire Fran\u00e7ais des Drogues et des Toxicomanies (OFDT).<\/li>\n<li>Ben\u00a0Lakhdar, C. 2007. \u201c<a class=\"spip_out\" href=\"http:\/\/www.ofdt.fr\/BDD\/publications\/docs\/epfxcbnc.pdf\" rel=\"external\">Le trafic de cannabis en France. Estimations des gains des dealers afin d\u2019appr\u00e9cier le potentiel de blanchiment<\/a>\u201d,\u00a0<i>Focus Consommations et Cons\u00e9quences<\/i>, November, Paris\u00a0: OFDT.<\/li>\n<li>Ben\u00a0Lakhdar, C. and Costes, J.\u2011M.\u00a02016.\u00a0<i><a class=\"spip_out\" href=\"http:\/\/tnova.fr\/system\/contents\/files\/000\/001\/241\/original\/04102016_-_Contr%C3%B4ler_le_march__l_galis__du_cannabis_en_France.pdf?1475567422\" rel=\"external\">Contr\u00f4ler le march\u00e9 l\u00e9galis\u00e9 du cannabis en France. L\u2019exemple fondateur de l\u2019ARJEL<\/a><\/i>, Paris\u00a0: Terra\u00a0Nova.<\/li>\n<li>Ben\u00a0Lakhdar, C., Lalam, N. and Weinberger, D. 2016.\u00a0<i><a class=\"spip_out\" href=\"http:\/\/www.drogues.gouv.fr\/sites\/drogues.gouv.fr\/files\/atoms\/files\/rapport_synthetique_30p_argent-drogue_inhesj_201611.pdf\" rel=\"external\">L\u2019Argent de la drogue en France. Estimation des march\u00e9s des drogues illiscites<\/a><\/i>, summary report for the Mission Interminist\u00e9rielle de Lutte Contre les Drogues et les Conduites Addictives (MILDECA), Paris\u00a0: Insitut National des Hautes \u00c9tudes de la S\u00e9curit\u00e9 et de la Justice (INHESJ), Prime Minister\u2019s Department.<\/li>\n<li>Ben\u00a0Lakhdar, C. and Kopp, P.\u2011A. 2018. \u201c<a class=\"spip_out\" href=\"http:\/\/www.cairn.info\/revue-economie-et-prevision-2018-1-page-19.htm\" rel=\"external\">Faut-il l\u00e9galiser le cannabis en France\u00a0? Un bilan socio-\u00e9conomique<\/a>\u201d,\u00a0<i>\u00c9conomie &amp; Pr\u00e9vision<\/i>, no.\u00a0213, pp.\u00a019\u201339.<\/li>\n<li>Ben\u00a0Lakhdar, C. and Weinberger, D. 2011. \u201c<a class=\"spip_out\" href=\"http:\/\/www.cairn.info\/revue-francaise-de-socio-economie-2011-1-page-123.htm\" rel=\"external\">Du march\u00e9 du cannabis au march\u00e9 du THC en France. Implications pour le syst\u00e8me d\u2019offre et les politiques de lutte contre les trafics illicites de stup\u00e9fiants<\/a>\u201d,\u00a0<i>Revue Fran\u00e7aise de Socio-\u00c9conomie<\/i>, vol.\u00a07, pp.\u00a0125\u2013147.<\/li>\n<li>Conseil National des Villes (CNV). 1994.\u00a0<i>L\u2019\u00c9conomie souterraine de la drogue<\/i>, Paris\u00a0: Maison des Sciences de l\u2019Homme (MSH)\/CNV.<\/li>\n<li>Csete, J., Kamarulzaman, A., Kazatchkine, M., Altice, F., Balicki, M., Buxton, J., Cepeda, J., Comfort, M., Goosby, E., Goul\u00e3o, J., Hart, C., Kerr, T., Madrazo Lajous, A., Lewis, S., Martin, N., Mej\u00eda, D., Camacho, A., Mathieson, D., Obot, I., Ogunrombi, A., Sherman, S., Stone, J., Vallath, N., Vickerman, P., Z\u00e1bransk\u00fd, T. and Beyrer, C. 2016. \u201c<a class=\"spip_out\" href=\"http:\/\/www.thelancet.com\/action\/showPdf?pii=S0140-6736%2816%2900619-X\" rel=\"external\">Public Health and International Drug Policy<\/a>\u201d,\u00a0<i>The Lancet<\/i>, vol.\u00a0387, no.\u00a010026, pp.\u00a01427\u20131480.<\/li>\n<li>Duport, C. 2016. \u201c<a class=\"spip_out\" href=\"http:\/\/www.cairn.info\/revue-mouvements-2016-2-page-71.htm\" rel=\"external\">De l\u2019argent facile<\/a>\u201d,\u00a0<i>Mouvements<\/i>, vol.\u00a086, no.\u00a02, pp.\u00a071\u201379.<\/li>\n<li>Fatela, J. 1992.\u00a0<i>Drogue, micro-\u00e9conomie et pratiques urbaines en France<\/i>, report for the Council of Europe (Pompidou Group), Paris\u00a0: D\u00e9l\u00e9gation G\u00e9n\u00e9rale de Lutte Contre les Drogues et les Toxicomanies (DGLDT).<\/li>\n<li>Gandhilon, M.\u00a02016. \u201cLes drogues illicites en France\u00a0: un march\u00e9 en forte croissance\u201d,\u00a0<i>S\u00e9curit\u00e9 Globale<\/i>, vol.\u00a05, pp.\u00a029\u201336.<\/li>\n<li>Gavrilova, E., Kamada, T. and Zoutman, F. 2017. \u201cIs Legal Pot Crippling Mexican Drug Trafficking Organisations\u00a0? The Effect of Medical Marijuana Laws on US\u00a0Crime\u201d,\u00a0<i>The\u00a0Economic Journal<\/i>, vol.\u00a0129, no.\u00a0617, January, pp.\u00a0375\u2013407.<\/li>\n<li>Kleiman, M.\u00a02016. \u201cLegal commercial cannabis sales in Colorado and Washington\u00a0: What can we learn\u00a0?\u201d,\u00a0<i>Journal of Drug Policy Analysis<\/i>, vol.\u00a010, no.\u00a02.<\/li>\n<li>Kokoreff, M.\u00a0and Lapeyronnie, D. 2013.\u00a0<i>Refaire la cit\u00e9. L\u2019avenir des banlieues<\/i>, Paris\u00a0: \u00c9ditions du Seuil\/La\u00a0R\u00e9publique des Id\u00e9es.<\/li>\n<li>Mouhanna, C. 2011.\u00a0<i>La Police contre les citoyens\u00a0?<\/i>, Paris\u00a0: Champ Social.<\/li>\n<li>Reyre, A., Hasselgard-Rowe, J., Broers, B. and Kazatchkine, M.\u00a02018.\u00a0<i><a class=\"spip_out\" href=\"https:\/\/fr.coursera.org\/learn\/drugs\" rel=\"external\">Drugs, Drug Use, Drug Policy and Health<\/a><\/i>\u00a0(MOOC), Palo\u00a0Alto\u00a0: Coursera.<\/li>\n<li>Spilka, S., Le N\u00e9zet, O., Janssen, E., Brissot, A., Philippon, A., Shah, J. and Chyderiotis, S. 2018. \u201c<a class=\"spip_out\" href=\"http:\/\/www.ofdt.fr\/BDD\/publications\/docs\/eftxssy2.pdf\" rel=\"external\">Les drogues \u00e0 17\u00a0ans\u00a0: analyse de l\u2019enqu\u00eate ESCAPAD 2017<\/a>\u201d,\u00a0<i>Tendances<\/i>, no.\u00a0123, Paris\u00a0: OFDT.<\/li>\n<\/ul>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/div>\n<\/section>\n<div class='smartthreema_box'><img src='https:\/\/thcparis.com\/wp-content\/plugins\/smart-threema\/images\/floating-button-threema-klein.png' class='smartthreema_img'><a href='https:\/\/three.ma\/JHXT6HHA' target='_blank' class='smartthreema_link'>Please Download Threema App<\/a><br><div class='smartthreema_minimsg'>to your Mobile Device and click again<\/div><\/div>","protected":false},"excerpt":{"rendered":"<p>France is a place of paradoxes\u00a0: cannabis is widely consumed, and yet legalization does not seem to be on the cards, despite successful measures implemented elsewhere. This\u00a0reluctance\u00a0is linked in particular to a fear of destabilizing local economies in working-class neighborhoods. Aymeric Reyre and Christian Ben\u00a0Lakhdar highlight the unfounded nature of this argument, and use evidence [&hellip;]<\/p>\n","protected":false},"author":1,"featured_media":0,"comment_status":"open","ping_status":"open","sticky":false,"template":"","format":"standard","meta":{"footnotes":""},"categories":[13],"tags":[328,315,311,312,275,285,286,277,263,281,332,283,329,288,287,284,272,280,322,321,274,333,325,278,265,309,324,313,282,320,319,273,253,323,326,218,298,299,300,301,302,303,304,305,306,307,289,308,290,291,292,293,294,295,296,297,327,314,317,228,331,316,310,276,318,279],"class_list":["post-102","post","type-post","status-publish","format-standard","hentry","category-news-fr","tag-banlieue-parisienne","tag-bastille","tag-belleville","tag-canal-saint-martin","tag-cannabis","tag-cannabis-recreatif","tag-cannabis-therapeutique","tag-cbd","tag-champs-elysees","tag-consommation-de-cannabis","tag-consommation-en-dehors-de-chez-soi","tag-consommation-responsable","tag-culture-du-cannabis-a-paris","tag-culture-urbaine","tag-fumee-de-cannabis","tag-fumer-a-paris","tag-fumer-du-cannabis","tag-fumer-en-public","tag-gare-de-lyon","tag-gare-du-nord","tag-herbe","tag-interdiction-de-fumer","tag-jardin-des-plantes","tag-joints","tag-la-defense","tag-le-marais","tag-le-pantheon","tag-le-quartier-latin","tag-legislation-du-cannabis","tag-les-halles","tag-luxembourg","tag-marijuana","tag-montmartre","tag-montparnasse","tag-parc-des-buttes-chaumont","tag-paris","tag-paris-10e","tag-paris-11e","tag-paris-12e","tag-paris-13e","tag-paris-14e","tag-paris-15e","tag-paris-16e","tag-paris-17e","tag-paris-18e","tag-paris-19e","tag-paris-1er","tag-paris-20e","tag-paris-2e","tag-paris-3e","tag-paris-4e","tag-paris-5e","tag-paris-6e","tag-paris-7e","tag-paris-8e","tag-paris-9e","tag-paris-intra-muros","tag-pigalle","tag-place-de-la-concorde","tag-quartiers-de-paris","tag-reglementation-du-cannabis-a-paris","tag-republique","tag-saint-germain-des-pres","tag-thc","tag-trocadero","tag-vaporisateur"],"yoast_head":"<!-- This site is optimized with the Yoast SEO plugin v27.6 - 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